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Digital Archive International History Declassified

January 31, 1947

MEETING FRIDAY IN MOSCOW WITH STALIN

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    Stalin meets with a German delegation to discuss economic conditions in Germany as well as to discuss the political situation in Soviet occupied territory.
    "Meeting Friday in Moscow with Stalin," January 31, 1947, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Wilhelm Pieck: Aufzeichnungen zur Deutschlandpolitik, edited by Rolf Badstübner and Wilfried Loth, pp. 111- 114 (ZPA [Central Party Archive] NL 36/694, pp. 3-7, 25-26) https://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/134383
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Meeting Friday, 1.31.1947, in Moscow, 9-12 in the Evening

Stalin, Marshal, Suslov, Semenov, Volkov —

Pieck, Grotewohl, Ulbricht, Fechner, Oelsner

Greeting: We greet you most cordially and are happy to see you in such good health. We wish that it will remain that way for several decades.

We thank for the help the Soviet government gives the German people—at the same time a great support for the work of our party—especially in the Soviet occupation zone.

We also thank for the invitation, which gives us the opportunity to state the problems that face us and to hear your advice on them.

We have provided you with some materials worked out in joined meetings and about which there is agreement on our side.

Comrade Gr[otewohl] will make the report.

Report O. Gr[otewohll with the help of 3 resolutions

Interruptions

1) Question — how government reality —

whether not state governments [Landesregierungen] — our argument against that is

weak — need stronger argument —

2) How strong still are the Nazist forces — in the West — can

they be split — separate honest patriotic elements —

perhaps combine in one party, belonging to the block.

3) Whether at plebiscite on G [ermany's] unity not even

larger majority than 30 mil[lion] out of 50 mil[lion] .

4) Contradictions in the SPD — the masses like that? — because voted

for SPD.

5) Whether left elements in the SPD — with them unified front committees

— committees against reaction in the West

6) Whether Schumacher in favor of municipalization or nationalization —

nationalization is correct — socialization [Vergesellschaftung] — socialization

[Sozialisierung] — mess.

7) Eastern border is another question — here decision of the allies

Yalta — Berlin

other borders no decision —

change nothing there —

raise Eastern border means raising other borders too —

means war

8) .PD in the West burdened with the old program of the KPD

fear of dictatorship — revolution

therefore new program of the SED for the nearest [nächstliegende] period

9) not necessary for the SED to hunt for members — important

is their influence

10) Admission of the SPD in Sov. occupation zone

whether SED is afraid of the SPD

one should defeat them politically

11) All German meeting of the parties — yes —

when it produces something

1 2) Organ of the zone only when no realization central administration

Explanations at the end —

Position of the SED for unity G is correct —

Engl., Am., Fr. are for federalism, because this means weakening of G .

Weak G should have no influence on the world market, no foreign trade, therefore

also no central government, no central administration.

Concept SU runs counter —

G a[nd] Japan should [have] access to the world market, because this way prices lower a[nd]

goods better —

is gain for humanity.

Undivided mastery of America means high prices, poor products.

Hum.[an] progress requires that G. again rise a[nd] [has] access to the world market. 70

mil[lion] Germans cannot be stricken from world history.

Americans live under the illusion, that alone [can] manage world market.

70 mil[lion] Germans cannot permanently live at the pauper stage, as beggars.

Raw materials are needed, as import — but also needed for selling (export). Germans can

provide good and cheap products.

Subjugation a[nd] choking feeds thoughts of revenge. that means new war.

We are comrades, aren't we, it hurts us, that Germ. work[ers] suffer, the Germ. proletariat

should live better again.

Americans speak of econ. unification, but are against unif[orm] government — without pol.

unity means, however, econ. unification — unification of the occupiers.

The quicker unity G a[nd] Germ. government, the more we alleviate the rise

for this reason against federalism — it is tied to higher burdens.

Germ. government will come about with difficulty in the case of Americ. resistance —

therefore German central administration as transitory situation.

The others would like to divide G into 4 parts — because only through agreement — because

not voted upon — something comes about — [a] central administration can only be created

this way too — will be somewhat easier.

But correct — as M. [has] said in Paris — that central government controlled by the allies

must sign peace treaty — not by state governments.

M: Peace treaty a[nd] creation of the government will drag on —

We work from the Potsdam decisions. But question of the central administration [to

be] put more broadly. St[alin] demanded unif1ied] central administration — not

materialized, therefore only 5 administrations, but these have not been created. For all

areas there must be created administration, with the exception of military a[ nd] state

security.

Unif1 orm] central administration for all of G until the creation of the government,

immediately platform as stage for government.

Stalin: Engl. and Americ. are afraid of the rise of G — fear competition on the intemat.

markets — Americ. wants world market under its control — wants monopoly

prices — When America reaches goal — this way prevent unemployment in America.

Everything that accelerates rise, foreign trade G. America

rejects.

SU wants opposite — when reparations hinder rise,

they can be postponed.

Prisoners of war should be evaluated

improve pol . schooling — CC apparatus is overburdened.

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