Note on the Preliminary General Intelligence Situation

Note on the preliminary general intelligence situation

As is widely known, as a result of pressure from the United States, all American countries — except Mexico and Canada — broke off relations with Cuba.

Relations with Mexico and Canada are also very limited and cold. They are limited in principle to insignificant trade. Cultural and tourist exchange with these countries is completely non-existent.

The only connections with Latin America are the Havana - Mexico City airline operated twice a week /Mondays - Fridays/ by the Cuban airline "CUBANA DE AVIACION" /often irregular/ Passengers departing from Mexico City to Havana and arriving from Havana to Mexico City are photographed at the airport in Mexico City.

Mexican visas issued by Mexican Embassies in other countries automatically become invalid if the person lands in Cuba. The person must reapply for a visa at the Mexican Embassy in Havana. This applies to everyone, without exception, even members of the government.

After breaking off relations with Cuba, only some Communist parties of Latin American countries had their representative offices in Havana. Since 1965, relations between the Cuban Communist Party and the Communist parties of Latin American countries began to deteriorate. Currently, the relations between the Cuban Communist Party and these parties are very cold. Some representative offices of communist parties have been liquidated /Brazil, Chile/ and the rest have been reduced and their role has decreased to almost zero.

The reason for this is the position of the Cuban Communist Party on the form of the struggle for power, as well as Fidel's repeated official criticism of the communist parties of the Latin American countries, that instead of organizing an armed struggle, they are too involved in politics. Representatives of these parties and political emigrants are criticized for the fact that instead of fighting in their own country, they want to lead the revolution from a distance, sitting safely and comfortably away from the struggle.

The Cuban Communist Party believes that the only form of struggle for power in the countries of Latin America is armed struggle and rejects all other forms of struggle. It also believes that the Cuban Communist Party should play a leading role in the revolutionary struggle of these countries.

Based on this assumption, the Cuban Communist Party recognizes and cooperates in Latin America only with such revolutionary movements that have submitted to its leadership, regardless of the political direction these movements represent. In reality, these are mostly armed organizations and guerrilla groups standing in opposition to the communist parties in their countries.

(p. 1)

At the end of December last year I received two documents from Comrade Jarząbek to read, which he received for review from Counsellor Comrade Ciurus. The first document is a photocopy of a letter from the Venezuelan Communist Party to the Cuban Communist Party. I translated this document with minor abbreviations. It constitutes Annex No. 1

The second document was a photocopy of a transcript of a conference organized at the Faculty of Political Science of the University of Havana for Commander Elias Manuit - a representative of a dissident guerrilla group from Venezuela commanded by former member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of Venezuela, Douglas Bravo.

This conference was organized on November 30, 1966. i.e. after the Cuban Communist Party received the letter from the Venezuelan Communist Party.

Due to lack of time, I did not translate this document but made a photocopy of it (at the cryptographer's). It constitutes Annex No. 2.

Comrade Jarząbek also showed me a third document. It was a note from a series of lectures at the Faculty of Economics of the University of Havana delivered by Dr. Carlos Rafael Rodriguez, a member of the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Cuba. Before the revolution, he was a member of the Central Committee of the Popular Socialist (Communist) Party. He was also a minister without portfolio in Batista's government. At the time when Fidel was fighting in the Sierra Maestra, he established contact with him and cooperated with him. Currently, as the only activist of the former communist party, he is a member of the Central Committee of the current Communist Party of Cuba.

The lecture series was titled "The Role of Classes in Revolution". Here are its main points:

He argued that the currently existing communist parties in the countries of Latin America are not capable of leading the masses to revolution and seizing power because:

1. the proletariat in the AL countries is too weak,

2. Communist parties are not able to unite the main classes, i.e. the peasantry and the petty bourgeoisie, because they are compromised in the face of these classes.

3. The blade of reaction is directed mainly against communist parties, which will hinder its activity.

4. Communist parties pursue  reactionary politics and do not prepare for the armed struggle necessary to seize power.

As an example, he points to the former Communist Party of Cuba, which was incapable of launching a revolution and played no role in the Cuban Revolution.

The class that is capable of causing revolutions in Latin American countries is the petty bourgeoisie.

First you have to seize power in armed struggle and then proletarianize the nation, and only then build parties as happened in Cuba.

Appendix No. 3 is an excerpt from Fidel Castro's speech.

(p. 2)

It testifies to Fidel's official position towards organizations and guerrilla groups considered by the communist parties in these crabs as dissident groups and hostile to the party.

The current Cuban Communist Party was established after the revolution by the merger of three organizations:

1. "July 26 Movement" / led by Fidel Castro /

2. "Directorate" /organization gathering intelligentsia and students/

3. People's Socialist Party /Communist/

First, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Cuba was established, then local committees were established, and only then organizations

The Cuban Communist Party does not have any statute to date.

All key positions in the party and government apparatus are held primarily by former members of the "July 26 Movement" and partly by former members of the "Directorate".

Former communist activists do not hold any major positions with the exception of Dr. Carlos Rafael Rodriguez, who is a member of the Central Committee of the Cuban Communist Party.

In addition to the Cuban Communist Party, there is the Union of Communist Youth. Pioneers, Trade Unions, the Union of Cuban Women, the Association of Students and the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution, the so-called CDR.

A very large role is attached to the activities of the CDR. Efforts are being made to expand the CDR, which includes party members and non-party supporters of the revolution.

The current slogan is: "In every district, in every home CDR".

They fulfill the roles of our National Councils and National Unity Councils in a sense. They perform certain administrative activities, such as issuing opinions, issuing various certificates, mobilizing people to pay rent and other benefits, taking care of order in the district, etc.

In addition, their task is to ensure security in the sense of observing every resident, what he does, what he says, what his views are, his attitude towards the revolution, his opinions, behavior, intentions, contacts, etc.

According to the opinions of older workers, Fidel's popularity has decreased compared to previous years. It is estimated that currently around 60-65% of the population supports Fidel.

One of the main reasons for Fidel's declining popularity is economic difficulties.

Agricultural production (industrial production) does not play a significant role here, and by 1966 it had not reached the level of the pre-revolution. Production of rice, the basic consumer product of Cubans, is about 60% lower than before the revolution.

This year, sugar production is expected to reach 6 million tons, i.e. the same level as before the revolution.

No statistics on production levels are published and the data is kept secret

(p. 3)

The main efforts of the government are directed towards the mechanization of agriculture and the increase of agricultural production. For this purpose, wastelands are cultivated, tractors and agricultural machinery are introduced, roads are built, etc.

The economic situation is expected to improve around 1970.

The emigration of Cuban residents to the United States continues.

Theoretically, anyone who wishes can emigrate from Cuba, with the exception of young people aged 16-26 and doctors who completed their studies in Cuba after the revolution.

It is estimated that more than a million Cuban citizens have emigrated to the United States since the revolution. There are currently about 800,000 registered to go to the United States.

Under an agreement concluded between Cuba and the United States, two US planes take emigrants from Cuba to the United States from Varadero airport every day (from Monday to Friday).

It is estimated that at the current rate it will take about 20 years to evacuate all those currently registered to emigrate to the United States.

The social profile of those leaving is very diverse. From sometimes high-ranking government officials to workers and blacks without any profession.

In order to emigrate from Cuba to the U.S., a Cuban must have a family member or friend in the U.S. who would provide for their existence in the U.S., obtain permission from the U.S. authorities to stay, and pay for their flight from Cuba to the U.S. Only then do the U.S. authorities notify the Cuban authorities that they can accept such and such a resident.

In turn, such a person must express in writing to the Cuban emigration authorities his or her desire to leave Cuba.

Once the candidate expresses a desire to leave Cuba, he or she is immediately dismissed from work and can only work in agriculture.

All his property is accounted for and he is not allowed to sell, give away or destroy anything.

The Committee for the Defense of the Revolution of the house or district in which the candidate for departure resides takes part in the registration of property.

The Committee must determine whether the candidate for the trip has presented all of his/her property for registration. If the Committee determines that the candidate had, before expressing his/her willingness to travel, any items, e.g. jewelry, works of art, a car or other valuable items, which he/she did not present for registration, the candidate must deliver them back , or if he/she sold them, buy them back and submit them for registration, otherwise he/she will not receive permission to travel.

The departure date is set by the Cuban authorities without informing the candidate.

A few days before the departure date, the police contact the candidate, allow him to take with him only personal belongings, clothing and underwear

(p. 4)

according to a list established by the authorities, and take the candidate to a special assembly point in Havana.

There they are subjected to several more personal searches and, after completing other formalities, they are taken under escort to Varadero from where they fly to the United States.

All property left behind goes to the State Treasury.

Anyone leaving is automatically deprived of Cuban citizenship.

All those leaving and those registered for the trip are contemptuously called "gusanos" /worms/. They are under constant surveillance by the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution. Friends and neighbors avoid contact with them.

(p. 5)