Speech of Cde. N. S. Khrushchev at a Meeting of Soviet and GDR Government Delegations, 19 September 1955

Speech of Cde. N. S. Khrushchev

at a meeting of Soviet and GDR government delegations,

19 September 1955

I completely agree with everything which was said by Cde. Bulganin on this question.

I would like to say that, in our opinion, close cooperation between the political parries which are united in the National Front of Democratic Germany has enormous importance for the development of the German Democratic Republic.

We all well understand that the joint work of these parties and their leaders play a great role in the achievement of the considerable success in the development of the economy and culture of German Democratic Republic, in the creation of friendly relations between the German Democratic Republic and the Soviet Union, and in the cause of the further strengthening of these relations.

Speaking of the importance of the National Front, I would also like to note the productive activity of Professor Correns, Chairman of the National Council of the National Front of Democratic Germany.

The sincere and comprehensive cooperation between the parties of the National Front is a guarantee of your forward progress. Therefore, I would like to express a wish for further successes in the development of close cooperation between the parties in the name of the further recovery of the GDR economy and the welfare of its population for the good of the German people and the cause of world peace.

We understand that it is not a simple task to achieve such cooperation. In life it is not so easy to accomplish mutual understanding and cooperation between parties on all questions, for questions also arise on which different points of view have formed. Political wisdom is required when solving such questions. Once you have a coalition of parties then it is necessary to take into account the interests of the parties in this coalition, and when this is being done it is obviously necessary to proceed from the need for mutual concessions, but these concessions should not damage the main goal which the German Democratic Republic puts before itself. Only thus can the coalition of parties be strengthened and, consequently, the achievements of the German Democratic Republic which have been gained be multiplied.

The task facing the German people and to which the attention of millions of Germans is concentrated is the reunification of the German people in a single peace-loving democratic state. We are always ready to assist the successful resolution of this task in every way. We are realists; when solving any political question and when solving this question we should soberly assess the conditions which have formed. The reunification of the German state in such a manner that it be to the benefit of the German people and the peoples of Europe does not depend on one side. Two sides are active here: the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of  Germany. Besides this, there are four more countries which are tied by certain conditions and obligations, and [their] views on the solution of the German question still differ to this day. Therefore we should not create false illusions. 

As is well known, there will soon be a meeting of ministers of foreign affairs of the four powers in Geneva, where the question of Germany will be raised among others. Our point of view on this matter is clear. Right now I want to dwell on specific facts in my speech. And the facts are these: of the four countries whose ministers are meeting in Geneva, three are in the North Atlantic Bloc (NATO), and one is not in it. Moreover, NATO is directed against this country. The governments of the three countries together with the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany want the reunification of Germany to carried our on their conditions and for the reunified Germany to also be in NATO. I think that such a path does not meet the interests of the German people, nor the interests of the security of the peoples of Europe and the lessening of international tension. We can in no way agree with such a course of events as a result of which there would be a North Atlantic Military Bloc (NATO) directed against the Soviet Union and the countries of people’s democracy. Therefore, when negotiations were held with representatives of the Federal Republic of Germany we bluntly told Mister Adenauer: do not demand of us what we cannot give. We cannot assist your plan for the reunification of Germany, we cannot help NATO – that is an organization which is directed against us, against the cause of peace. I think that the Germans would act the same way in a similar situation.

The signing and entry into force of the Paris agreements and the Federal Republic of Germany joining NATO created serious obstacles to the reunification of the two parts of Germany into one German state.

The question arises: how will the aspirations of the German people for reunification be satisfied: perhaps the existing situation will remain forever? To this we answer clearly and definitely: the Germans should decide this question themselves. The Germans, at one table! No one will decide the German question better than the Germans themselves. The reunification of Germany should be done so that the united German state is peace-loving, democratic, and that the forces of the German state not be directed against other countries. We will assist such a solution of the German question in every possible way.

It is clear that in current conditions the solution of the German question on such a basis is a difficult matter. We recently had meetings and conversations with representatives of the Federal Republic of Germany. The discussions with the representatives of the FRG showed that great difficulties stand in the way of a quick resolution of this question. When discussions were held with a delegation of the Federal Republic of Germany during one of the breaks Mr. Adenauer tried to persuade me that the North Atlantic bloc was allegedly created for peaceful purposes, that this organization supposedly does not threaten the Soviet Union to any degree.

But we well know that the Paris agreements are military agreements. We also know that NATO was created as a military organization, that NATO has a commander-in-chief of its armed forces in Europe, General Gruenther. Accordingly, NATO is not an athletic organization, it was not created for preparing for athletic competitions, and not for soccer games. It is known that Gruenther was not a coach of a soccer team, everyone knows him as a general who “trains a team” for war and specifically for a war against the Soviet Union and the countries of people’s democracy. This cannot fail to be noted.

They have tried to show us that NATO was created for the purpose od defense. At one time we turned to NATO members and said: if NATO was created for defense, then we also want to join this “defensive organization”. But, as is well known, the Soviet Union was not accepted. This fact also says that NATO is directed against the Soviet Union.

It is completely obvious that the entry into force of the Paris agreements and the entry of the FRG into NATO has created a serious barrier to the solution of the German question. We propose the only correct solution – hand the solution of this question to the hands of the German people. The Germans will find a way for a correct solution of it.

I think that I will express our common opinion if I say that the German nation and the peoples of the Soviet Union are interested in having peaceful, friendly relations.

I want to say that obviously a time will come to reckon with the fact that two states exist in Germany – the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany.

Genuinely friendly relations have formed between the Soviet Union and the German Democratic Republic. The Soviet Government will also strive in every way to organize friendly relations with the Federal Republic of Germany and to facilitate closer relations between both parts of Germany.

As a Communist and as a Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union I want to say, without imposing my point of view on all those present, that our Party, which is guided by the teaching of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin, is faced with the most noble goal, the building of Communism. We are striving for there to be no exploitation of man by man, for man to be a friend of man, and for the blessings of work and the blessings of science to serve all people. If all peoples embarked on such a path of development then this would preclude the possibility not only of wars, but any armed conflicts whatsoever.

The workers of the German Democratic Republic have embarked on the path of socialist development. This is a great historical event in the life of the German people. And you have our support on this path. We wish you complete success in your great constructive work. We are confident that you will be able to achieve new victories in this path. The building of socialism in the German Democratic Republic is such a great cause that right now it is even difficult to find the words to correctly express the entire significance and value of this cause.

The building of socialism in the German Democratic Republic meets the interests of all the workers of Germany. Many workers who are in the ranks of the Social Democratic Party, the German Christian Democratic Party, and other parties will strive to help build a socialist German state. But the struggle for socialism, for the building of a socialist German state, is of course the domestic matter of the German working class itself, the German people.

I should say that the task of the Soviet Union is to create good-neighborly relations with the entire German people. We have no doubt that the leaders of the German Democratic Republic are also striving for this.

During negotiations in Moscow Mr. Adenauer, the Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany also declared that the government of the Federal Republic of Germany is striving to develop friendly relations with the Soviet people. I have no right to doubt this statement. We will welcome the corroboration of these good words with good deeds.

We know that the words and assurances of the representatives of the German Democratic Republic with whom we are holding discussions do not differ from practical activity, and we are confident that it will be so going forward. Our friendship and mutual trust will strengthen with each day.

We also hope that relations between the Soviet Union and the Federal Republic of Germany will develop satisfactorily in the future. But, as the Russian proverb says, time will tell. We will do everything on our part for relations between the Soviet Union and the Federal Republic of Germany to develop successfully. Both the Soviet Union and the Federal Republic of Germany are interested in trade and cultural relations being broadly developed between our countries. This would bring great benefit to the Federal Republic of Germany, the German Democratic Republic, and the Soviet Union.

I would also like to comment on one individual question, about former POWs who were convicted by a court of the Soviet Union as war criminals. You remember that Cde. Bulganin and I exchanged opinions with you about this question when we were in Berlin on the way to Geneva. Cde. President Pieck of the German Democratic Republic addressed a letter to Cde. Voroshilov, Chairman of the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet, about this question.

When a delegation of the Federal Republic of Germany came to us they also raised this question with us, tying it with the establishment of diplomatic relations between the USSR and the FRG. We declared to Mr. Adenauer and the members of the government delegation of the Federal Republic of Germany that this question has no bearing on the negotiations about the establishment of diplomatic relations and that only the Soviet Union can decide this, because these people committed crimes against the Soviet people and they were convinced for this by a Soviet court. But time passes and people change. Some changed for the better, others for the worse. But the majority of the people all the same changed for the better. Therefore we think that the request for early release of these people can be granted. We consider that they have their relatives and friends who are waiting for them as fathers, sons, husbands, and brothers. We understand that it is necessary to take human feelings into consideration. These people have already served a considerable period of imprisonment and we hope that they will correctly assess the magnanimity of the Soviet Government and after release will not proceed in their attitude toward the Soviet Union from feelings of revenge.

Those are the questions which I wanted to touch upon in my speech.

The draft treaty which the commission has prepared obviously satisfied both our sides, which does not happen so often. More often it happens that a solution of questions is approached through compromise. We have no compromises because there is no struggle of different points of view, but there is a commonality of views, a commonality of a world view. The truth is, the fact that our Soviet troops remain on your territory for the time being might cause some disappointment, but we are confident that the necessity of such a measure will be correctly understood. We clearly realize that the present of foreign troops even of a friendly power does not also cause a population delight. But nevertheless people might and should understand the necessity of this in existing conditions. Our joint decision about leaving Soviet troops on your territory is a temporary measure. We recognize that this is an unpleasant matter and therefore if anyone would say that this is a pleasant decision we would regard this with distrust. Do you agree?

ULBRICHT. We agree.

KHRUSHCHEV. But we and you will persistently seek such a condition for an agreement to be reached between our countries about a reduction of armed forces in general and a withdrawal of the Soviet, American, British, and French forces which are in Germany. If the US, Britain, and France are ready to do this today then we could solve this question right now. We are ready to withdraw our troops from Germany, but on condition that our partners in the war with Nazi Germany withdraw their troops.

We have hope for a solution to this question in the future. The Geneva Conference of Heads of Government of the four powers has given rise to this hope. We hope that the spirit of Geneva will develop and strengthen, but not in the form of a spirit that is imperceptible and intangible, but in the form of specific acts, as took place from our side when we decided to reduce [our] armed forces by 640,000 men, when we gave up the lease of the Porkkala-Udd Naval Base in Finland, and carried out a number of other measures. We are waiting for our partners in Geneva to respond reciprocally, after which new proposals from our side might follow.

Some bourgeois political figures have reproached us for, although we smile and behave in a friendly manner, but supposedly do not go further. But perhaps the facts I have cited about the reduction of the armed forces and the abandonment of the naval base in Finland are not specific acts directed at relaxing the international tension?

At the same time we await the specific results of the Geneva spirit from the Western powers which would promoted a relaxation of tension and a strengthening of the cause of peace.