Beria and Vyshinsky summarize the prevailing conditions in the Ili District of Xinjiang, describing the equipment and foodstuffs seized by the rebels, the extent of Chinese army losses, and the provisional government headed by Alihan Tore Shakirjan. Urging Stalin to support the Ili Muslims' liberation movement, they offer suggestions for future actions in support of the rebel army.

In a message to Stalin, Vyshinsky describes Soviet negotiations with Zhou Enlai on the Sino-Soviet agreement on alliance and mutual aid.

Roshchin, Soviet Ambassador to China, reports on his conversation with Zhou Enlai regarding the territory of Xinjiang; plans to draft an agreement on the transfer of Manchuria from the Soviet Union to the People's Republic of China; and settling the issue of payment for Soviet specialists in China. Zhou Enlai has also asked Roshchin to inform his Soviet counterparts that 14 February would be the most convenient date to sign the Sino-Soviet agreements, as that will allow the media sufficient time to report on the treaty prior to the Chinese new year celebrations beginning on 16 February.

Conversation between Stalin and Zhou Enlai focusing on the Korean War. They discussed the exchange of POWs (and the Mexican proposal), peace negotiations, Chinese cooperation with India and Burma, and the creation of regional organizations. They also mentioned Germany (reunification), the situation/reforms in Xinjiang, Taiwan and Chiang Kai-shek (Jiang Jieshi), and military aid.

In this conversation Molotov reads out to Mao the part of Acheson's Jan. 12 statement about the Soviet take-over of Manchuria, Mongolia and Xinjiang. Molotov proposes that the Chinese Foreign Ministry issues a refutation. Mao suggests that Xinhua should do that, but Molotov disagrees, and Mao promises that the Foreign Ministry will issue a statement. Mao, for his part, mentions several US probes to establish relations with Communist China, but notes that his policy is to keep the Americans at arms' length, and, in fact, to force them to leave China altogether. Towards the end Molotov and Mao discuss China's representation at the UN (Molotov asks that China appoint a representative, something that Mao appears reluctant to do), and China's representation at the Allied Control Council for Japan.