On May 15, 1960, Nikita Khrushchev met with French President Charles de Gaulle in Paris to discuss the fallout from recent incidents involving US reconnaissance aircraft violating Soviet airspace. Khrushchev emphasized the Soviet Union’s outrage over these acts, labeling them as aggression and a threat to sovereignty. He called for the US to acknowledge its violations, condemn the actions, hold those responsible accountable, and commit to ceasing such provocations. De Gaulle expressed regret over the incidents but maintained that espionage was an inevitable reality of modern geopolitics. He assured Khrushchev that he would convey the Soviet statement to US President Dwight Eisenhower but noted that France had not participated in planning the reconnaissance missions. The discussion also touched on broader themes of disarmament and international cooperation, with Khrushchev reiterating the USSR’s readiness to engage in the summit only if the US changed its course. De Gaulle stressed the necessity of dialogue to prevent future incidents and achieve détente. Both leaders reaffirmed their nations' desire for peace but left the resolution of the immediate crisis contingent on US actions.

This document summary was generated by an artificial intelligence language model and was reviewed by a Wilson Center staff member.

This document provides an in-depth analysis of Cuba's reactions to various international developments during late 1964. Cuban leaders were pleased with the radical anti-imperialist tone and diplomatic successes of the Cairo Conference of Non-Aligned Countries. Fidel Castro welcomed French President de Gaulle's anti-American stance during his Latin America trip, linking it to tensions in pro-American governments. The British Labour Party's election victory was viewed positively, fostering hopes for policies aligned with Cuba's interests. Domestically, Nikita Khrushchev's ousting in the USSR created distrust and concerns about the continuity of Soviet support. Lastly, Cuba cautiously celebrated China's first nuclear test, seeing it as a potential shift in global power dynamics favoring socialism.

This document summary was generated by an artificial intelligence language model and was reviewed by a Wilson Center staff member.

On this second day of the talks, international affairs were the main topic of conversation. From the Soviet record, which like those of the first and the next discussion, was made by Fedorenko and the third secretary of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs Anatolii I. Filyov, it is evident that the atmosphere was fully relaxed, anti-imperialism brought the communist leaders together. Both hated America, Great Britain, France, West Germany, Japan, and their leaders. They discussed the situation in the Near East in detail and were heartened by the victory of leftist forces in Iraq. They joked a lot. And only at the end did Mao lightly touch upon his claims to Khrushchev, who at once reminded the Chinese leader of the Soviet advisors. It was obvious that this question continued to bother him, and Khrushchev exacerbated his grievance.

In the morning, Fanfani met with his advisers, and they agreed to accept the Jupiter-Polaris arrangement. He then met with Kennedy for a series of conversations on East-West issues and the developing countries. During their private meeting, Fanfani conveyed to Kennedy the conditions for the agreement—Polaris submarines would not be based in Italy, and Italy would be a participant in the MLF and a member of the NATO committee establishing it. As he noted in his diary, Fanfani asked that language referring to “bases in the Mediterranean” (“which could lead one to suppose they are in Italy”) be removed from the “minute of understanding” of the meeting. Kennedy accepted the stipulations, and a memorandum of their understanding was prepared.

Czechoslovakia participated in the Ten Nation Committee on Disarmament, a short-lived outfit which was mired in superpower infighting and consequently made no substantive progress. This letter, written from Czechoslovakia’s Foreign Minister Václav David to Prime Minister Viliam Široký, is nonetheless informative, as its attachment contains a memorandum outlining Soviet proposals for general and complete disarmament in three phases. 

This record of a conversation between Nikita Khrushchev and New Zealand Prime Minister Walter Nash, held on April 20, 1960, covers various international issues, including disarmament, the Cold War, German reunification, and the status of West Berlin. Nash praises Khrushchev’s peace proposals and emphasizes the importance of disarmament and peaceful coexistence. Khrushchev reiterates the Soviet Union's commitment to disarmament but expresses frustration with Western nations' resistance to concrete agreements. The two leaders discuss the need for mutual trust and the challenge of resolving intricate diplomatic issues. Khrushchev outlines Soviet plans for Germany, advocating peace treaties with both East and West Germany while proposing that West Berlin become a "free city." The conversation ends with Khrushchev agreeing to review cases of New Zealand residents seeking to reunite with family in the USSR. Both leaders express mutual respect and appreciation for the dialogue.

This document summary was generated by an artificial intelligence language model and was reviewed by a Wilson Center staff member.

In this document, N. S. Khrushchev provides wide-ranging comments on various geopolitical and diplomatic issues. He criticizes the US for holding onto outdated alliances like Taiwan, emphasizing the need to normalize relations and reduce tensions globally. Khrushchev discusses Middle Eastern instability, particularly in Iran, warning against U.S. interference and emphasizing self-determination for colonized nations. He also addresses disarmament, arguing that military bases are a source of tension and advocating for a phased withdrawal of troops and arms control measures. Additional topics include the complexities of summit diplomacy, Lend-Lease repayment disputes, and his correspondence with world leaders such as Macmillan, De Gaulle, and Nehru, stressing the importance of aligning messages to maintain good relations.

This document summary was generated by an artificial intelligence language model and was reviewed by a Wilson Center staff member.

The conversation between Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev and Indian Ambassador S. Dutt centers on bilateral relations, disarmament, and global political tensions, particularly concerning Berlin, nuclear disarmament, and US foreign policy. Khrushchev emphasizes Soviet strength in missile technology and space exploration, expressing criticism of Western powers, especially the United States, for their imperialist policies and reluctance to engage in meaningful disarmament. The discussion also highlights Khrushchev's respect for Prime Minister Nehru and India's neutral but supportive stance, with plans for Nehru to visit the Soviet Union. The conversation concludes with mutual affirmations of goodwill and shared interests in promoting global peace and cooperation.

This document summary was generated by an artificial intelligence language model and was reviewed by a Wilson Center staff member.

The Polish Ambassador relays his conversation with General de Gaulle to Przemysław Ogrodzinsk of the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in which de Gaulle praises the Rapacki Plan and its importance for neutralization in central Europe, and encourages Poland to continue its efforts.

During his meeting with French president de Gaulle, Vice President Humphrey said that Washington knew the “French position” of opposition to the NPT, but wanted to know what de Gaulle thought the “German attitude” should be.