Aiken made an immediate impression on his arrival in the Twelfth Session of the UN General Assembly in September 1957. He adopted an impartial posture of assessing each issue on its merits and campaigning to remodel international politics around self-determination, humanitarianism, and peace. His exhortation was that only the UN had the moral authority and political legitimacy to put forward global solutions. While he did not propose nuclear disarmament measures specifically, his intent was signaled by his recommendation for a mutual drawback of foreign forces (including their nuclear weapons) in central Europe and his endorsement of a proposal to discuss the representation of China in the United Nations. The Eisenhower administration was hostile to Aiken’s course as outlined in the U.S. ambassador’s audience with Taoiseach Eamon de Valera and Aiken in Dublin on 2 October. The record underlines the Irish concerns about accidental nuclear war due to the proximity of opposing U.S. and Soviet forces in central Europe.  

Kohl and Mitterrand debate essential issues of European security and the emergence of potential new security structures after the end of the Cold War such as a European pillar of NATO and the French-German brigade as the nucleus of a European security and defense policy.

Richard Holbrooke recounts a final meeting with with German Chancellor Helmut Kohl prior to leaving Germany. Kohl asked the Clinton Administration "to increase its involvement in the ongoing effort to chart the future of Europe," and called for the expansion of NATO and the EU.

The CIA’s National Intelligence Daily for 28 June 1990 describes the latest developments in Liberia, the Soviet Union, Israel, Japan, France, Italy and Taiwan.

The document is a detailed analysis about the possible use of NATO's nuclear weapons, in preparation for the Atlantic Council's December session. The French participation in the Council and the French opposition to any nuclear integration will probably leave this issue without a solution. From their point of view, the US and the Select Committee recently proposed by them should try to overcome the hindrance represented by France, at the same time without jeopardizing the cohesion of the Alliance.

The memo deals with the reorganization of political control and of the "command chain" with respect to NATO's nuclear deterrent (opinions of the UK and France, Italian and German criticism).
There are 3 attachments: 1) Multilateral Nuclear Force. Italian stance with regards to British proposals (2 pages); 2) British position on Multilateral Force - Message from Washington on 4th December (5 pages); 3) Reorganization of the Atlantic nuclear deterrent (12 pages).

In this report to Foreign Minister Piccioni, Alessandrini addresses the key problems with NATO, focusing on the lack of internal cohesion . He names the German problem as the most important issue of the alliance, but touches also on De Gaulle's politics and European integration.

Minister Granelli writes to Andreotti to express his concerns over the French and German hastiness in coming to an agreement over EUREKA. Granelli lists minimum conditions that need to be met to ensure launching the project without running the risk of negative political and economic consequences.

Italian Ambassador to London, Raimondo Manzini, writes to Foreign minister Moro in the aftermath of the 1974 Ottawa Declaration. He discusses the British interest in reviving the Special Relationship with the US and its effects on European politics, and suggests that through intensified dialogue and cooperation, an Anglo-Italian solidarity could function as a counterweight to the close Franco-German relations.

In this speech, French Foreign Minister Robert Schuman reads a statement describing a shared organization that would manage French and German production of coal and steel. It served as a foundational moment for European integration and the future European Economic Community.