Skip to content

Results:

1 - 9 of 9

Documents

March 11, 1993

The Chancellor's [Helmut Kohl's] Meeting with Israeli Foreign Minister Peres on Wednesday, 10 March 1993

Kohl and Peres examine the state of the Middle East peace process and chances for closer cooperation between Israel and the European Community.

September 17, 1991

The Chancellor's [Helmut Kohl's] Meeting with U.S. President Bush on Monday, 16 September 1991, at the White House

Kohl and Bush analyze European security and the potential creation of a European pillar in NATO as well as France's rapproachment vis-a-vis NATO via the WEU. Kohl provides an assessment of Mitterrand's personality and his diplomacy toward Germany.

April 26, 1991

The Chancellor’s [Helmut Kohl's] Meeting with French President Mitterrand on Wednesday, 24 April 1991, in Paris

Kohl and Mitterrand comment on the situation in the Middle East, the Palestinian question and the idea of convening an international conference on the region.

May 1939

'Muqarrarat mu'tamar mukafahat al-fashishtiyya' ('The Resolutions of the Conference for the Fight against Fascism')

The text printed here is the resolution to the Conference for Combatting Fascism held in May 1939 held in Beirut, originally printed in Arabic in an issue of the Beirut-based leftist journal Tali‘a.

Led by leftists, including communists, the conference was a well-publicized and well-attended call for action against Nazism and Fascism. It affirmed an alliance, against Nazi Germany (and Fascist Italy) with France, the Mandate occupier of Lebanon and Syria. At the same time, it insisted on the pressing need for political progress. Most important was the ratification by the French parliament, of the 1936 Franco-Syrian and Franco-Lebanese agreements that, like the 1930 Anglo-Iraqi Agreement, would have ended the Mandate and granted Lebanon and Syria far-reaching sovereignty while preserving key French strategic interests. (Ratification never occurred.) In August 1939, the Soviet-German Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact forced communists to adjust their language also in the French Mandates. Here and in other Arab countries like Palestine and Egypt, a majority of people whose written records we possess and perhaps also many other inhabitants, felt caution if not aversion towards Nazi Germany and Fascism Italy. They disliked how those two states organized their societies; were concerned about those states’ territorial ends in the Middle East (which, however, were in the late 1930s actual only in Italy’s case); and feared especially Nazi racism for potentially targeting them, like the Jews, as “Semites,” as Israel Gershoni’s edited volume Arab Responses to Fascism and Nazism: Attraction and Repulsion (2014) and Götz Nordbruch’s Nazism in Syria and Lebanon (2009) show.

At the same time, a considerable minority drew open inspiration from Nazi (and other European extreme rightwing) authoritarianism: its cult of a strong leaders, its emphasis on youth as national(ist) revivers, and its style and organizational forms, including salutes, uniforms, marches, and street brawls. Moreover, a small minority from the later 1930s sought to create a political-military alliance with Germany. Until 1939, Germany prevaricated, loath to provoke Britain, the principal power in the interwar Middle East. Thereafter, it did work with colonized nationalists who, as David Motadel’s “The Global Authoritarian Moment” (2019) has shown, were willing to work with Berlin to become independent. Among them were some Arabs like Hajj Amin al-Husseini (1895-1974), an exiled Palestinian leader whose wartime deeds and open anti-Semitism soon was, in the eyes of many, proof that Arabs in general had supported the Nazis.

May 1939

'Mukafahat al-fashishtiyya!' ('Combatting Fascism!')

The text printed here is the editor’s preface in Arabic in an issue of the Beirut-based leftist journal Tali‘a that was dedicated to the Conference for Combatting Fascism held in May 1939 in Beirut.

Led by leftists, including communists, the conference was a well-publicized and well-attended call for action against Nazism and Fascism. It affirmed an alliance, against Nazi Germany (and Fascist Italy) with France, the Mandate occupier of Lebanon and Syria. At the same time, it insisted on the pressing need for political progress. Most important was the ratification by the French parliament, of the 1936 Franco-Syrian and Franco-Lebanese agreements that, like the 1930 Anglo-Iraqi Agreement, would have ended the Mandate and granted Lebanon and Syria far-reaching sovereignty while preserving key French strategic interests. (Ratification never occurred.) In August 1939, the Soviet-German Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact forced communists to adjust their language also in the French Mandates. Here and in other Arab countries like Palestine and Egypt, a majority of people whose written records we possess and perhaps also many other inhabitants, felt caution if not aversion towards Nazi Germany and Fascism Italy. They disliked how those two states organized their societies; were concerned about those states’ territorial ends in the Middle East (which, however, were in the late 1930s actual only in Italy’s case); and feared especially Nazi racism for potentially targeting them, like the Jews, as “Semites,” as Israel Gershoni’s edited volume Arab Responses to Fascism and Nazism: Attraction and Repulsion (2014) and Götz Nordbruch’s Nazism in Syria and Lebanon (2009) show.

At the same time, a considerable minority drew open inspiration from Nazi (and other European extreme rightwing) authoritarianism: its cult of a strong leaders, its emphasis on youth as national(ist) revivers, and its style and organizational forms, including salutes, uniforms, marches, and street brawls. Moreover, a small minority from the later 1930s sought to create a political-military alliance with Germany. Until 1939, Germany prevaricated, loath to provoke Britain, the principal power in the interwar Middle East. Thereafter, it did work with colonized nationalists who, as David Motadel’s “The Global Authoritarian Moment” (2019) has shown, were willing to work with Berlin to become independent. Among them were some Arabs like Hajj Amin al-Husseini (1895-1974), an exiled Palestinian leader whose wartime deeds and open anti-Semitism soon was, in the eyes of many, proof that Arabs in general had supported the Nazis.

November 14, 1989

National Intelligence Daily for Tuesday, 14 November 1989

The CIA’s National Intelligence Daily for 14 November 1989 describes the latest developments in East Germany, the Soviet Union, El Salvador, Palestine, Israel, France, Bulgaria, Sri Lanka, Panama and Brazil.

1950

Onset and Development of Communism

Discusses how Communism began in Lebanon, the importance of the educators’ visit to Moscow in the 1920s, the early conception of the role of Islam in the Lebanese Communist Party, the Communist Party in Palestine and the Israeli occupation, activities of the Communist Party in France, and internal affairs/organization of the Lebanese Communist Party.

March 9, 1982

Conversation between Erich Honecker and Yasser Arafat (Excerpt)

This is an excerpt of a conversation which appears in full at BA-SAPMO J IV 2/201/1416. The conversation opens with the issue of French-Israeli relations. France plans to deliver a nuclear reactor to Israel to the opposition of the Arab world. Also mentioned are the deliveries of arms from the GDR to the PLO. Arafat reports on the use of chemical weapons by Israel in Lebanon. These weapons were reportedly delivered by the FRG. Israel also seems to use biological weapons. Final topics of discussion are the role of the Pope in Poland, the question of Jerusalem, and the Islamic movement in Afghanistan.

March 9, 1982

Stenographic Transcript of the Official Talks between Erich Honecker and Yasser Arafat in the House of the Central Committee of the SED in Berlin

The conversation is mainly concerned with the situation in the Middle East, but there are also some remarks about Poland, Afghanistan, and French-Israeli relations. Honecker emphasizes that only the creation of a sovereign Palestinian state can solve the Middle East conflict. He underlines the continuing support of the GDR for the PLO, for example, through military aid and the opening of an official PLO embassy in Berlin. Arafat points to the West German support for Israel and asks for further military aid.