The presenter of this address, Ahmed Ben Messali Hadj (1898-1974), is known as the “father” of Algerian nationalism, one of whose foremost biographies is Benjamin Stora’s Messali Hadj, 1898-1974 (2012). Having served in the French army in 1918-1921, Messali Hadj for economic reasons moved to Paris. There, he met his French wife, the leftist Emilie Busquant. In 1925, he was recruited to the French Communist Party’s (PCF) colonial commission. In June 1926, he co-founded, and became Secretary General of, the Etoile Nord Africaine (ENA), which at first demanded political and legal equality for France’s Muslim North Africans. As this text shows, demands shifted by February 1927. That month, ENA functionaries including Messali Hadj travelled to Bruxelles. Together with leftists and delegates from three dozen colonized countries, they participated in the founding conference of the League against Imperialism (LAI), which was initiated by the Moscow-headquartered Comintern and organized by the PCF and the German communist Willi Münzenberg; the experience in Bruxelles of one non-Arab delegation, India, has been analyzed in Michele Louro’s Comrades against Imperialism: Nehru, India, and Interwar Internationalism (2020).

It was in Bruxelles that Messali Hadj held the below address, speaking ex catedra as his notes had disappeared. The LAI was soon paralyzed by discord between communists and activists for whom allying with communists was a means to an anticolonial end; in 1936, it dissolved. Even so, it was the first truly international attempt to combat imperialism, as shown by the edited volume The League against Imperialism: Lives and Afterlives (2020). As for the ENA, it in 1928 cut its ties with the PCF, being too independent-minded and -organized and vexed that the PCF, following the Comintern line, was moving away from ENA’s ideas about self-determination. In 1929, the French government outlawed ENA. In the 1930s Messali Hadj became closer inter alia to Shakib Arslan, translated excerpts of whose work Why Muslims Lagged Behind and Others Progressed is included in this collection. Even so, in 1936 to early 1937 a rebranded ENA shortly joined the leftist French Front Populaire, but then again was closed down. Messali Hadj reacted by establishing the clandestine Parti du Peuple Algérien (PPA), which—a shift—demanded absolute Algerian autonomy within the French Republic.

Condemned by the Vichy government to hard labor in 1941, Messali Hadj returned to Algeria in 1945. He continued to play a leading political role, founding in 1946 a PPA successor, the Mouvement pour la triomphe des libertés démocratiques. But from 1954, his star declined. By 1957, the Front de Libération Nationale, the new organization that in November 1954 started the War of Independence, ravaged the Mouvement National Algérien that Messali Hadj had founded that month, too. Politically neutralized, he stayed in France. He was allowed to return to Algeria only after his death, in 1974, for burial in his hometown of Tlemcen.

Hu Yaobang summarize in six points the international situation and the position of CCP in foreign policy: USSR, China-Vietnam, Cambodia.

A memo from Algeria's Secretary General to its foreign missions and delegations, regarding Algeria's foreign policy. Explains, first, Algeria's current position in regard to the "socialist camp," noting recent positive signs of improvements in Algeria's relationships with China and the Soviet Union. Identifies apprehensions within the western bloc that Algeria may slide toward the socialist camp, and gives instructions on how to respond to and reduce these apprehensions, so as to more fully broaden Algeria's base of support in its struggle against France. The memo recognizes that the western bloc is still supporting France in its fight to keep Algeria as a colonial subject, and recommends issuing an ultimatum to these western countries; either they cease complicity with France or be considered fundamentally hostile to the Algerian cause.

List of countries that have recognized the GPRA as representing an independent Algerian government.

Confidential note from Algeria's Ministry of Foreign Affairs to the heads of Algeria's diplomatic missions and delegations. The note, written in Cairo on January 31, 1962, focuses on the position that African and Asian countries currently hold at the center of a global struggle between colonialists and neo-colonialists. Points out that Algeria's struggle with France remains a focal point of reference for these countries, and that Algeria must clearly define its foreign policies and positions on international issues.

November 8th, 1960 memo explaining the status of Algerian diplomatic relations. Notes that Algeria's current diplomatic position is very strong, and one of its best assets. Warns that France will try to undermine foreign assistance to Algeria in order to isolate the GPRA in French-Algerian negotiations. Concludes by suggesting that Algeria maintain consultation with sympathetic countries before making decisions, to strengthen mutual trust and alliances. Gives a list of governments to consult before making major decisions, including all Arab countries, China, USSR, Vietnam, Guinea, Ghana, and Indonesia.

A letter to the Algerian Prime Minister, describing diplomatic meetings in Cairo with ambassadors from China and the Soviet Union. In meeting with Chinese ambassador, discusses China's delivery of supplies and war materials for Algerians, Chinese training of Algerian communications technicians, and economic arrangements between the two countries. In meeting with Soviet ambassador, Algerian ambassador requests a specific list of weapons provided by the USSR from 1956-58, and other general areas of Soviet assistance for the Algerian cause.

Report from Lakhdar Brahimi -- GPRA representative at celebration of Cuban revolution in Havana -- on meeting with Fidel Castro and Che Guevara, both of whom express considerable interest in Algerian revolution. Fidel Castro pledges Cuban support, both material and diplomatic, advises Algeria on how to proceed in negotiations with France, and strongly encourages the opening of an Algerian diplomatic mission in Cuba. Brahimi concludes with recommendations on how best to respond to Cuban suggestions and an outline of potential strategic benefits from a diplomatic relationship between two countries.

Summarizes the logistical process and efforts of armament for the Algerian revolution, from 1947-1962. Lists the various countries who supplied the Algerians with weapons and ammunition, including Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Libya, East Germany, and China. Outlines, in detail, the processes for transporting weapons across borders, the logistical structure of departments handling distribution and supply of weapons for the revolution, and modes of transport for these supplies.

Note from Algeria's Socialist Countries Bureau describing the June 17, 1961 meeting with the GDR Ambassador to Arab Countries. Note explains that the East German government is contemplating the unilateral "de jure" recognition of Algeria's government, and recommends that Algeria does not oppose this recognition.