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Documents

January 16, 1963

Memorandum of Conversation between Aminitore Fanfani, Prime Minister of the Italian Republic, and the President [John F. Kenndy], 'Modernization of Nuclear Missiles in Italy and the Miditerranean'

Prime Minister Amintore Fanfani’s visit to the U.S. was an opportunity for he and President Kennedy to reach “a meeting of the minds” on the Jupiter-Polaris problem. The two had several conversations during the next two days on East-West relations, NATO nuclear issues, and the developing world, among other topics.  During this conversation, with only the U.S. translator present, Kennedy explained to Fanfani that Polaris/Sergeant missiles as a replacement for Jupiter/Corporals, along with Italian participation in an eventual MLF, should be announced as “whole package” rather than to have “the different points of decision simply leak out, without coherence and possibly at the wrong moment.” He believed that the main elements of the agreement would find “general approval” among most political groupings in Italy. When Fanfani brought up the possibility of announcing the U.S. request on Jupiters and Polaris and then taking it to his government, Kennedy emphasized the need for quick action, adding that it would “not be desirable to allow for prolonged discussion” of the package.

At Fanfani’s request, Kennedy explained the arrangements for Polaris missions in the Mediterranean, which operated out of a base in the Iberian Peninsula (Rota, Spain), and the various options for an MLF, either surface or submarine ships. Such an approach, Kennedy believed, was a way to improve the “position of the West.” Accepting Kennedy’s assertions about the dangers of the Jupiter missiles, Fanfani nevertheless saw a “psychological” problem involving the “prestige and strength” of Italy’s armed forces. Kennedy “indicated lively interest” in Fanfani’s question as to whether the Jupiter bases could be used for “cooperative peaceful space efforts.”

At the meeting’s conclusion, Kennedy “stressed that by the following morning they should be able to combine four or five points into a proposal that would strengthen the Italian and American position within the framework of the Alliance, thus making this meeting a gain in its cohesiveness and hence political strength.”

November 9, 1962

Memorandum from William R. Tyler to the Secretary [Dean Rusk] through U. Alexis Johnson, 'Turkish and Italian IRBM's'

Seymour Weiss would push back against any efforts to remove the Jupiters, but he and others realized that President Kennedy had a “keen interest” in the matter and that Secretary of Defense McNamara had ordered that action be taken (assigning his General Counsel John McNaughton to take the lead). Nevertheless Weiss and Assistant Secretary of State William Tyler presented Secretary of State Rusk with a memorandum making the case against action on the Jupiters or at least postponing their removal until a “later time.” Paralleling arguments made during the crisis by Ambassadors Hare and Reinhardt, Tyler pointed to the “symbolic and psychological importance” of the Jupiter deployments. While Tyler noted parenthetically that the Italians had “given indications of a disposition to work toward the eventual removal of the Jupiters,” the U.S. could not phase them out “without general Alliance agreement,” including Italy and Turkey’s consent, “unless we are prepared to lay ourselves open to the charge of abrogation of specific or implied agreements.” Rusk was in the know on the secret deal, but his reference to a “later time” was consistent with it and signing the memo would have placated Tyler and Weiss.

October 26, 1962

American Embassy Rome Telegram 436 to the Secretary of State, Washington, DC

On October 26, 1962, as the Cuban Missile Crisis is unfolding, U.S. Ambassador G. Frederick Reinhardt replied to a State Department inquiry about possible Italian reactions to withdrawal of the Jupiters, stating that they “would probably be manageable,” but also recommending early consultations with the Italian government if they were to “form part of negotiated settlement.” In particular, Reinhardt suggested offsetting the withdrawal with gestures to appeal to the Italian government’s craving for status, such as (a) presenting the removal as an Italian contribution to the relaxation of East-West tensions, (b) some kind of “big power consultation” between the U.S. and Italy, coupled with assurances on “the presence of Polaris submarines in the Mediterranean,” (c) “public emphasis on Italy’s role in NATO in order to counter-balance loss of value which missiles have for Italy in calling attention to its role and position in alliance,” and (d) a promise to halt further reductions of U.S. military commitments in Italy. In short, Reinhardt saw a phase-out as a possibility but something to be “be very carefully handled.”

December 11, 1963

MAE Cable Report on McNamara's Speech

Note by ambassador to Washington Fenoaltea on speech held by Secretary of Defense McNamara in New York (November 18) on US strategic doctrine, NATO's defense, and role of NATO european members. Annex with copy of the speech missing.

December 5, 1963

Report from Alessandrini to Saragat concerning the Development of NATO MLF

Report by italian representative to the Atlantic Council A. Alessandrini to Foreign Minister on the development since 1957 of a NATO Nuclear Multilateral Force. The paper discusses the positions of the various European NATO members and conducts an assessment related to Italy's position. Two annexes. Annex A: Basic Elements of the covenant; B, Summary of Paris consultations.

December 7, 1963

Reminder from SMD to Adm. Tagliamonte

Reminder by adm. A. Zamboni on organization and structure of NATO Multilateral Force, including its political, strategic, economic and legal features. Particularly prominent is the European Provision as discussed in several different fora.

May 10, 1963

Report by Permanent Representative to NATO Alessandrini to Minister of Defense Andreotti

Alessandrini's report to PM Piccioni and Minister of Defense Andreotti discusses current questions of defense that will be brought up in the upcoming Ottawa session. According to him, NATO should focus on its internal organization and in particular, developing a common nuclear force, despite the technical and political challenges of such project.

October 19, 1990

Telegram by Permanent Representative to NATO Fulci to Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 'Transfer to Crotone of the 401st Formation of US Air Force'

Short telegram in which Fulci reports his conversation with his US counterpart about the recent decision on the Crotone airbase. Taft described the episode as a "parliamentary ambush" and reiterated the US administration's determination to do everything possible to safeguard the strategically important project.

September 19, 1989

Implementing Agreement between United States Department of Defense and Italian Ministry of Defense, 'Italy - US
(about Patriot)'

Implementing agreement for the Patriot system between Italy and USA. Attached also correspondence between Secretary of Defense Cheney and Minister of Defense Martinazzoli.

December 12, 1989

Report, 'Purchase from Italy of the Surface-to-air Missile System PATRIOT of Raytheon Co. - US'

This document discusses the political and strategic reasoning behind Italy's decision to acquire the Patriot air defense system from the US.

Pagination