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July 4, 1991

The Chancellor's [Helmut Kohl's] Meeting with the Secretary General of the United Nations Perez de Cuellar on Tuesday, 2 July 1991, in Bonn

Kohl and Perez de Cuellar discuss Germany's international role, European integration, the Yugoslavia War, the Middle East and the end of Perez de Cuellar's tenure as UN Secretary General.

March 12, 1991

The Chancellor’s [Helmut Kohl's] Meeting with British Prime Minister Major (in the context of German-British consultations) on Monday, 11 March 1991, at the Chancellor’s Office

Kohl and Major review ideas about the establishment of a European pillar in NATO and French plans for new security structures in Europe.

January 31, 1991

The Chancellor's [Helmut Kohl's] Conversation with British Foreign Minister Douglas Hurd on 30 January 1991

Kohl and Hurd discuss Germany's financial aid in support of Britain's military operations in the Gulf in the amount of DM 800 million. Moreover, Kohl reviews his efforts for constitutional changes in order to enable Germany's participation in future of out-of-are missions.

July 25, 1923

Die äussere Politik der Woche (The Lausanne Peace Treaty)

By the late nineteenth century, Germany replaced Britain as the modern Ottoman Empire’s principal European partner. Hence, in 1914 it did not take the Ottoman government long to enter World War I at Germany‘s side, fighting Russia. After Germany‘s defeat, the new government in Berlin in June 1919 accepted the onerous Versailles Treaty. Declaring Germany and its allies the sole responsible parties for the war, it detached territories in Germany‘s east and west, imposed tremendous reparation payments, principally to France, and set strict limits to armed forces and military development (which however were soon bypassed by clandestine cooperation with the Soviets). In the postwar Ottoman Empire / nascent Turkey, developments differed—and were closely followed in Germany. From as early as 1919, especially conservative Germans saw Turkey’s action against the Allies as a model for their country, as Stefan Ihrig‘s Atatürk in the Nazi Imagination (2014) has shown.

A case in point is the text published here, in the elite conservative national daily Neue preussische Zeitung (also Kreuzzeitung), by Otto Hoetzsch (1876-1946), who in 1920-1930 served as a member of parliament for the Deutschnationale Volkspartei, the largest conservative party in the Weimarer Republic (1918-1933). To be sure, the Ottoman/Turkish postwar beginnings were as bleak as Germany‘s. In October 1918, the British-Ottoman Armistice of Mudros demobilized the army, evacuated all non-Anatolian garrisons, and stipulated the Allied occupation of Istanbul and the Straits. And in August 1920, the Treaty of Sèvres, signed by Sultan Mehmet VI but rejected by the subsequently disbanded parliament, affirmed Allied control of the Straits and Istanbul, designated Anatolia’s southwest and center-south as Italian and French influence zones, foresaw a Franco-British-influenced Kurdish state and an Armenian state in present-day eastern Turkey, and gave Thrace and Izmir to Greece, which had invaded western Anatolia in 1919 and was pushing eastwards. But these terms galvanized the Turkish National Movement (TNM), which was begun by Muslim Ottoman officers and notables in post-armistice Anatolia and was galvanized already in 1919 by the Greek invasion. To many Germans’ envy, by September 1922 the TNM was in control of almost all of present-day Turkey, due to its own military and political-diplomatic force, to Greek overreach, and to divergent Allied interests. To replace the Treaty of Sèvres, negotiations ensued from November 1922 with the Allies in the Swiss city of Lausanne. In January 1923, the Turkish and Greek delegations signed the Convention Regarding the Exchange of Greek and Turkish populations (also Lausanne Convention), by which about 1.5 million Greek Orthodox (“Greek”) inhabitants of Anatolia were forcedly exchanged for about 500,000 Muslim (“Turkish”) inhabitants of Greece. And in July 1923, all delegations signed the Treaty of Lausanne. It imposed some conditions on Turkey, including a minority protection regime patterned on earlier League of Nations models for postwar Eastern Europe. But on the whole, it was a great Turkish success. It inter alia internationally recognized the Turkish Republic, returned Istanbul and the Straits to Turkey, abolished the prewar capitulations, and absolved all perpetrators of the anti-Armenian, -Assyrian, and -Orthodox genocide from legal prosecution.

August 5, 1963

Bulgarian Consulate, Istanbul (Karadimov), Cable to Foreign Ministry

Bulgaria's General Consul in Istanbul, Turkey, reported to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs information he received from the Chief of the Greek General Staff to Turkey. As recorded, the Greek General Staff reported a meeting between Turkish and Greek governments. The governments discussed a non-aggression pact between Warsaw Pact and NATO countries and the use of Polaris missile submarines in Turkish waters.

March 17, 1963

Bulgarian Embassy, Athens (Minchev), Cable to Foreign Ministry

Bulgarian Ambassador to Greece Nikolai Minchev relays recent newspaper reports to the Bulgarian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Minchev summarizes a recent NATO meeting in Athens where NATO staff and Turkish and Greek military personal discussed security in the two nations and the Balkan region as a whole.

December 9, 1975

Memorandum of Conversation, Todor Zhivkov – Süleyman Demirel

The two leaders discuss Bulgarian-Turkish trade relations, initiatives for the Balkans; Greco-Turkish relations, and the issue of repatriation of Bulgarian ethnic Turks.

September 8, 1979

Bulgarian Intelligence Analysis of US-Greek Relations

A report on the state of bilateral relations with emphasis on military co-operation and the US mediation of the Greco-Turkish disputes.

March 1, 1974

Bulgarian Military Intelligence Report on Turkish Military Operation in Cyprus

The Ministry of Defense has received information for Turkish plans for invasion of Greece in an event of escalation of the conflict in Cyprus.

July 27, 1974

Telegram from Archbishop Makarios to Todor Zhivkov

Writing from New York, Makarios seeks Bulgarian support after the Turkish invasion of Cyprus on 20 July 1974.