Brezhnev starts the conversation by asking if Ceausescu is in agreement about supporting the nuclear non-proliferation treaty.  Ceausescu responds by saying that the draft could still improve by including a guarantee that countries without nuclear weapons will not be attacked by nuclear states and clarifying controls over nuclear weapon production.

Brezhnev and Ceausescu begin by extending warm welcomes to one another before diving into the importance of finalizing a draft of a nuclear nonproliferation treaty. Most of the discussion is spent arguing over the relevance of disarmament within the treaty.

Brezhnev and Ceausescu discuss draft versions of a nuclear nonproliferation treaty, arguing about the language used in the deal. They also discuss the creation of an intergovernmental conference of European countries and agree that they should meet more often in the future.

Japanese Foreign Minister Aichi and Soviet Premier Kosygin discuss bilateral relations, disputed territories, the legacies of World War II, China, and the NPT.

A celebratory, optimistic speech by Alexei Kosygin at the signing of the NPT. In this speech, Kosygin praises the international collaboration that has led to the signing of the treaty, and hopes that such collaboration will continue as disarmament is pursued.

Note asking that Brezhnev, Kosygin, Podgornyy, Mazurov, Gromyko confirm the draft of directives to the USSR Delegation at the XXIII session of the UN General Assembly.

The Politburo confirms Cde. A.N. Kosygin’s answer to Johnson’s letter from July 30, 1968.

Chairman Kosygin sends greetings and best wishes for success to the twelfth General Conference of the International Atomic Energy Agency.

This note states that Kosygin thinks non-proliferation is not a method of fixing a special status for the present nuclear powers, but it is an important stage in the struggle for nuclear disarmament.

This document reports on the visit by the Soviet premier, Alexsei Kosygin, to India in March 1979. The Indian leadership once again confirms its intention to retain close relations with Moscow irrespective of the future relationship with the US and China. During the visit a number of trade and scientific agreements are signed. The USSR expresses its readiness to cooperate in the nuclear field on the basis of peaceful use as laid down in the Indian-Soviet agreement of January 1979. Reacting to the Chinese threat and its perceived objective to gain a hegemonic position in Asia, India wishes to talk about the delivery of more sophisticated military equipment. The Soviet officials interpret Indian foreign policy as moving closer to the Socialist Bloc and joining Vietnam and Cuba in the formation of a ‘leftist wing’ in the Non-Aligned Movement.