KGB REPORT ON NEW ELEMENTS IN US POLICY TOWARD THE EUROPEAN SOCIALIST COUNTRIES
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Information from the KGB shared with the Stasi about a high-level review of US policy by the Department of State. Presidential Directive [NS-NSDD] 54 from [September] 1982 made the main US objective to subvert Soviet influence in Eastern Europe."KGB Report on New Elements in US Policy toward the European Socialist Countries," March 31, 1984, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Office of the Federal Commissioner for the Stasi Records (BStU), MfS, ZAIG 7168, p. 1-11. Translated from German for CWIHP by Bernd Schaefer. https://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/115720 - Share
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299/84 31 March 1984 [German] Translation from Russian [KGB Chairman] Comrade [Viktor] Chebrikov forwards attached information to [GDR Minister for State Security] Comrade [Erich] Mielke and asks to inform [SED General Secretary] Comrade [Erich] Honecker about its content. In light of its extremely important character, and for reasons of protecting its source, we request to use proper caution when dealing with the attached information. Comrade Chebrikov hopes that Comrade Mielke will convey his opinion and the reaction of Comrade Honecker regarding the contents of this information. [German] Translation from Russian HIGHLY CONFIDENTIAL 1607/84 About New Elements in US Policy Toward the European Socialist Countries According to credible information, the Reagan Administration intends to enact American policy toward the socialist European countries in order to separate them from the USSR. In this vein, the US State Department proposed in late 1983 to change tactics somewhat on this matter and to launch now a “new American offensive in the region.” Previously, tactics were outlined in Presidential Directive No. 54on “differentiated” approaches towards each of these countries. [1] It had been adopted [on 2 September] 1982. The main contents of the new 1983 proposals made by the US Department of State are as follows: USSR and Eastern Europe During the course of the entire post-World War II period, the USSR had two important objectives vis-à-vis Eastern Europe: that Eastern European states bring their domestic and foreign policy norms in accordance with the norms applied by the Soviet Union; and achieving stability, permitting the USSR to have solid and reliable allies against the West, freeing the Soviet Union from the need to redistribute its limited resources for the regulation of crises in Warsaw Pact member states. As the Hungarian example shows, the Soviet Union, in the interest of growing stability, is willing to tolerate a certain deviation from norms as long as it does not affect Soviet security and foreign policy requirements. Yet Moscow’s tolerant attitude towards deviations from norms has its limits. Changes in Soviet policy after the Hungarian and Czechoslovak events [of 1956 and 1968] were caused by the fact that the Soviet Union is incapable of granting the Eastern European countries comprehensive economic aid. Due to domestic difficulties that confront the Soviet Union, the USSR is unable to serve the economic needs of its Warsaw Pact allies. This applies in particular to those countries whose comparatively developed economies need the West for preserving their competitiveness on the world market. At the same time, the Soviet Union holds undoubtedly significant assets in the region. These include its massive military potential and economic leverage, since economies of most Eastern European countries are dependent on the Soviet economy. The United States and Eastern Europe In the context of the above, the main US objective outlined in Presidential Directive [NS-NSDD] 54 from [September] 1982, namely subversion of Soviet influence in Eastern Europe and promoting a return of these countries in the region into the community of European nations, is only achievable by a gradual process. In this framework, it is said, the USSR would not be able to reference any concrete US step threatening Soviet vital interests, and thus justifying a concrete Soviet reaction. Mostly the Soviet Union is afraid of a “creeping counter-revolution,” and absolutely correctly so. According to Directive [NS-NSDD] 54, the following measures are supposed to weaken general Soviet control over the region: However, some US government agencies, in particular the Defense Department, are not in full agreement with such policy. Roughly put, as they view the Soviet Union as the mortal enemy of the US and since the USSR considers Eastern Europe as its sphere of influence, they assert the following: It makes things worse for Moscow, and better for Washington, if the situation in Eastern European countries is as bad as it can possibly be. Proponents of this course do not see any sense in trade with Eastern European countries. They argue such trade bolsters their economies and thus contributes towards an overall growth of the Soviet bloc’s strength. They are also against any technology transfer to these countries, even for products destined for civilian use, since they are convinced such technologies will subsequently end up in the Soviet Union. Yet this policy based on “the worse it gets, the better for us,” [the US State Department asserts] is playing into the hands of the Russians. It leads to a weakening of elements in Eastern Europe who strive for modernization in a [Western] European sense. Also it will increase differences in opinion between the United States and its NATO allies about policy in this [Eastern European] region. Political Opportunities for the United States In early 1983, the US was in danger of losing those positions in Eastern Europe it had built up over many years. Yet the current situation in Eastern Europe testifies that the US can gain major influence there. The current situation in Eastern Europe offers the US in the long run the unique opportunity to weaken USSR influence in the region, and at the same time to demonstrate to other countries of the world the incompatibility of Soviet-imposed regimes and national aspirations. The following four major factors are conducive to the achievement of US objectives in the region: At the time, however, short-term opportunities for the United States are also limited due to the following reasons: The Program of US Approaches as Tailored to Individual States It would be unreasonable to invest additional resources in economic systems of the Soviet type, as experiences during the 1960s and 1970s have clearly shown. Using all economic, cultural and ideological weapons from the American arsenal, it is important to unfold a long-term offensive in order to weaken Soviet influence and strengthen American positions in Eastern Europe. It requires, on the U.S. side political determination to undertake significant efforts on a broad scale while taking into account the problems of Eastern European states, as well as the differences between them. This approach toward the Eastern European states is a long-term endeavor. There will be no immediate short-term results. Only a persistent and intensive bilateral dialogue can secure gradual progress. The U.S. must pursue a policy taking into account specifics of each individual country in order to inspire changes that lead to a departure by one or the other country from the Soviet economic and political model. For the states in the region, concrete programs must be worked out in following directions: The Bulgarian leadership, filled with national pride, undertakes without much desired attention experimental economic changes in form of decentralization similar to what is happening in Hungary. In a meeting with US Ambassador [Robert] Barry in summer of 1983, Todor Zhivkov, General Secretary of the Bulgarian Communist Party’s Central Committee, promised to move forward with solutions on a couple of issues in which the US is interested. This promise now begins to materialize. The US is working out a program for further bilateral steps that could contribute towards Bulgaria pursuing a more nationalist course and orienting itself less towards the Soviet Union (this program will be implemented if no convincing evidence will be found indicating a Bulgarian role in the assassination attempt against the Pope [John Paul II in April 1981 in Rome]). The example of the two Southwestern states in the region, Yugoslavia and Albania, demonstrates even more than the examples of Hungary and Romania how countries that were once loyal socialist allies can move away from Moscow’s clout. Both states are rejecting participation in the realization of Soviet plans for economic, military, and ideological integration (though Yugoslavia still has observer status in Comecon). [1] National Security Council – National Security Decision Directive 54 [NS-NSDD 54]. See facsimile at http://www.fas.org/irp/offdocs/nsdd/nsdd-054.htm.